01753    a2200421   4500001001100000005001700011008003900028020001800067037003600085040000700121041000800128072001600136072001500152072001500167072001500182072001600197072001600213072001600229072001500245072001400260072001300274072001300287072001300300072001300313072001300326072001300339072001300352072002100365072001800386100001800404245002300422250000600445260003200451300001000483520080100493700002201294999001501316113833184820250317100406.0250312042020GB                   eng    a9781138331846  bTaylor & FranciscGBP 33.99fBB  a01  aeng7 aJPFK2thema7 aJPA2thema7 aJNF2thema7 aJNA2thema7 aQDTQ2thema7 aJBCT2thema7 aQDTS2thema7 aJHB2thema7 aJPFK2bic7 aJPA2bic7 aJNF2bic7 aJNA2bic7 aHPQ2bic7 aJFD2bic7 aHPS2bic7 aJHB2bic7 aPOL0000002bisac7 a320.512bisac1 aRobert Goodin10aLiberal Neutrality  a1  aOxfordbRoutledgec20200228  a228 p  bOriginally published in 1989 Liberal Neutrality approaches the recommendation of neutrality by confronting the abstract prescription (that we should be neutral) with the implications for particular people and institutions. This not only identifies what neutrality involves logically, but also exposes the practical difficulties that may be encountered in pursuing it. In some cases, such close examination shows that neutrality is not desirable, and in others that it is attainable only within certain limits. Although neutrality has become a fashionable term in political theory, this is the only volume to subject the idea to systematic scrutiny. It will be useful not only to specialists in diverse disciplines – political scientists, philosophers, sociologists, lawyers and educationalists.1 aAndrew Reeve4B01  c1751d1751